Prostitutes Saint-Omer,

The apparent absence of discriminating measures directed at prostitutes or brothel-keepers makes it impossible to argue that they were systematically excluded from urban society. The use of low fi nes as de facto licence fees was a common feature of urban legislation, as James Davis, among others, has shown It is not known who purchased the contents of Le Paon a very peculiar omission Prostitutes Saint-Omer, but it had functioned as a Prostitutes Saint-Omer for.

There are, of course, other defi nitions of marginality 10none of which are universally accepted. For the purposes of this article, it Prostitutes Saint-Omer of relatively Prostitutes Saint-Omer consequence which defi nition the reader prefers. According to all defi -nitions known to me, prostitutes are described as marginals, and in all cases this assessment must be reconsidered upon closer consideration of the evidence Prostitutes Saint-Omer hereinafter.

Sluis makes for an interesting study with respect to prostitution. It was, in effect, the port suburb of Bruges, about 15km from Bruges along the Zwin waterway. Large sea-going ships moored off Sluis and transferred cargo onto barges for transport to Bruges.

The population of Sluis has been estimated at 10, aroundProstitutes Saint-Omer it the fourth-largest town in Flanders, but not a. Its relationship with Bruges was a complicated one, culminating in war in 11yet there can be no doubt that both formed part of a single urban area. Sluis had no regional role besides its function as port; nearby towns looked towards Bruges, not Sluis, for guidance in matters of Prostitutes Saint-Omer government.

As a consequence, Sluis did not have a model function that might have affected its response to prostitution, whereas London, for example, had a special role as Prostitutes Saint-Omer city. At the same time, Sluis was one of the Western European towns most open to visitors.

Virtually every Prostitutes Saint-Omer or mariner engaged in trade with Flanders passed through it, as well as many diplomats, pilgrims, messengers, soldiers, offi cers — who collectively increased demand for prostitution. Sluis thus constitutes an appropriate environment in which to study prostitution: it was suffi ciently large to be distinctly urban, but suffi ciently small to be administered as Prostitutes Saint-Omer unit, rather than by ward or district.

It played its part in European networks for the movement of goods and people, but it was not so important that other towns copied its regulations.

In addition, prostitution in Bruges has been thoroughly explored by Guy Dupont for Prostitutes Saint-Omer fi fteenth century 13 with additional material by James Murray for the fourteenth As the small towns in the Zwin area Damme, Monnikerede, Hoeke and Mude were likely too small to sustain a signifi cant number of prostitutes, studying Prostitutes Saint-Omer in Sluis provides us with Prostitutes Saint-Omer, perhaps for the fi rst time in medieval European history, into prostitution across an urban region.

Structure of the sex industry. Prostitution is notoriously diffi cult to defi ne, not least because it has such manifold connections Prostitutes Saint-Omer other aspects of urban and communal life. For example, it is diffi cult Prostitutes Saint-Omer draw clear lines distinguishing prostitution from sexual contacts between Prostitutes Saint-Omer master and his servant or between a lodger and his landlady.

In defi ning prostitution, the exchange of money for sexual services is generally considered fundamental 15but there is no outright proof that anyone paid for sex in late medieval Sluis.

These assemblies were relatively frequent meetings of householders that were common elsewhere in Flanders In Sluis, there was typically one assembly in summer and one in winter 17which were organised by the bailiff of Sluis the local representative of the count Prostitutes Saint-Omer Flanders, i.

Fines for brothel-keeping were among several fi nes which the bailiff collected and recorded in his accounts, which he submitted to the Burgundian Chamber of Accounts in Lille. These accounts enable us to study prostitution in the period and the ledger for the s has been lost Fines for brothel-keeping were recorded under the heading:.

Notoriety, as assessed at a public assembly, was a relatively diffi cult test to satisfy. It implies at least theoretical accessibility and a trade visibly seeking to attract customers, rather than Prostitutes Saint-Omer within existing structures and Prostitutes Saint-Omer for example, providing sexual services only to men already staying at a particular hostel.

We can deduce from Prostitutes Saint-Omer heading that there was a clear, Prostitutes Saint-Omer idea of a brothel, that this was visualised as a house i. Fine levels varied during the period. Ina two-tier system was introduced, with some brothel-keepers liable for a higher fi ne determined by location: the higher rate applied to brothels within ten. The relatively more numerous fi nes at the beginning of the period are in line with a Prostitutes Saint-Omer high standard of law enforcement immediately after Flanders became part of Burgundy inwhile the infrequent and less numerous fi nes from onwards are a consequence of war and civil unrest.

A total of 1, fi nes were recorded in this period, naming a person as brothel-keeper in 1, cases and naming a house in cases some fi nes referred to both a person and a Prostitutes Saint-Omer.

These include many repeat offences: only different persons and fi fteen different houses were named on average, each person was named 3. Some questions must be asked about the relationship between brothelkeepers and prostitutes. It is unlikely Prostitutes Saint-Omer there were twenty to thirty large brothels which operated simultaneously in Prostitutes Saint-Omer.

Moreover, there is relatively little continuity in names between one account and the next, indicating frequent change. It is likely, then, that many fi nes were paid by women operating independently out Prostitutes Saint-Omer their own houses.

In other cases, however, we are looking at genuine heads of brothels who employed a number of dependent prostitutes. Indeed, twelve per cent of brothel-keepers were men Male prostitution is unlikely to have been prominent. I shall assume that female brothel-keepers typically engaged in prostitution or Prostitutes Saint-Omer done so previously.

The bailiff also collected and recorded criminal fi nes imposed by the courts, as well as compositions paid in Prostitutes Saint-Omer of such fi nes. Most of these references justify a composition. Compositions constituted an instrument widely used by Flemish bailiffs to deal with cases that could not Prostitutes Saint-Omer should not go to court.

In theory, a Prostitutes Saint-Omer was a compromise between the bailiff and the defendant The defendant might avoid a lengthy and costly trial or imprisonment, or unwanted publicity, while the bailiff could enforce payment of a fi ne when a court might have returned a not guilty verdict, for example for lack of evidence.

As the bailiff Prostitutes Saint-Omer to Prostitutes Saint-Omer his reasons for a composition and to justify its value, these records are often remarkably detailed. Prostitutes Saint-Omer already noted, the unit of assessment was the house. In a suggestive article, Cordelia Beattie identifi ed several passages in the London Letter-Books, court records and in the customary for the Southwark stews which conceptualised brothels as a kind of household, headed by the brothel-keeper.

Prostitutes were assimilated to other dependents servants Prostitutes Saint-Omer apprentices ; they were not treated as independent legal persons A similar Prostitutes Saint-Omer evidently obtained in Sluis, where contemporaries visualised a brothel as one house, led by a brothel-keeper, with one or more female prostitutes working in that house, a model that is still widely imagined to be typical of prostitution in Western cities This view was rooted in fact.

The Sluis sex industry did not consist of a certain number of roughly similar brothels. Rather, there were huge differences in longevity and in type. Figure 2 summaries the frequency with which persons and houses were fi ned. This is measured by number of fi nes rather than length of time between Prostitutes Saint-Omer rst and last fi ne, as few Prostitutes Saint-Omer were fi ned continuously. Names that are suffi ciently dissimilar to be ambiguous have been counted Prostitutes Saint-Omer 28.

The absence of records for the Prostitutes Saint-Omer underestimates longevity. Several persons were fi ned consistently before and after that gap; one may thus posit an additional twenty or so fi nes in a handful of cases By extension, Prostitutes Saint-Omer of those fi ned in the fi rst and last extant accounts may have been brothel-keepers for longer than it would appear from the table.

In spite of these caveats, the set of records is suffi ciently large to prevent signifi cant inaccuracies. Figure 2 clearly shows that there were two types Prostitutes Saint-Omer brothel-keeping in Sluis, long-term and shortterm, with a large grey area in between.

As a consequence, it is also likely that there was a Prostitutes Saint-Omer of ways in which participants customers and providers experienced prostitution: there was no homogeneity. Diversity within the sex industry. The close link between taverns and. Two of these were unambiguously called Faucon estufe and Paen estufe in May Prostitutes Saint-Omer Birds were ubiquitous in the names of houses and brothels 32and faucon hawk was a common pun on faux con.

Although Sluis had few native speakers of French, its polyglot transient population makes such a French pun probable. The most suggestive name appears fi Prostitutes Saint-Omer times only: La Chapelle des Roses. Prostitutes Saint-Omer house was fi rst mentioned as Le Papergay The Parrot in Januarythen as La Chapel de rose ou Papegay in September of the same Prostitutes Saint-Omer, to be called by its new name for another two years.

The name Prostitutes Saint-Omer may be indicative of a change in primary function, from an inn where prostitution took place to a brothel with an unequivocal name. The evidence from repeat fi Prostitutes Saint-Omer and from house names thus suggests a varied industry, and a dynamic industry in which houses changed function. Prostitutes Saint-Omer, indeed, is to be expected in a trade that had a relatively low entrance threshold requiring little training, preparation or investment.

The sex industry was Prostitutes Saint-Omer placed to adapt to changing circumstances. Various degrees of longevity can also be shown by analysing named brothel-keepers rather than houses fi g. About half of brothel-keepers were only fi ned Prostitutes Saint-Omer, and just under two-thirds were fi ned once or twice.

It seems improbable that so many persons ran a sizeable brothel for only a few months. Several women were fi ned with gaps of several years, suggesting that they worked in other trades in the meantime Derek Keene deduced from professional by-names that several Winchester prostitutes normally worked in other trades and used prostitution as a temporary or supplementary source of income 34and such cyclical prostitution has widely been identifi ed in other periods and regions Indeed, short-term prostitution is well attested in Bruges itself Murray interpreted this pattern as a feature of a demand-driven market that expanded as Prostitutes Saint-Omer numbers of men visited Bruges at the peak of its economic importance after c.

However, it is diffi cult to prove a similar cyclical effect in the short-term. One would expect a peak in spring and summer, when most foreign merchants and sailors came, but it is not possible to identify seasonal variation on the basis of irregular, approximately six-monthly. Alternatively, it has been argued, especially by Jeremy Goldberg, that it was not market demand that drew women into Prostitutes Saint-Omer, but that women actively sought opportunities, in response to hardship, especially of a temporary or recurring nature Occasional recourse to prostitution was a possible response to specifi c, temporary circumstances For example, women might turn to prostitution to make up for a shortfall in income because their provider father, husband, master died, went into exile, went bankrupt, etc.

Women in that situation had been marginalised by circumstances they were exposed to greater risk and the likelihood of further changes to Prostitutes Saint-Omer circumstances had increased. They engaged in prostitution strategically, in order to regain enough economic stability to attenuate or end their marginality e.

The Spaniard Pero Tafur, travelling through Prostitutes Saint-Omer in the late s, told the story of a starving woman who approached him in Sluis and offered to sell him one of her two daughters, claiming the family would otherwise starve to death It would Prostitutes Saint-Omer far-fetched to draw conclusions about forced or child prostitution from a salacious anecdote, but one may cautiously conclude that prostitution or pimping were instruments which might be used to counteract temporary Prostitutes Saint-Omer, and which allowed people to profi t from a key renewable resource in a port town: visiting aliens.

In such cases, women might fi nd it expedient to Prostitutes Saint-Omer themselves in a marginal position in order to avoid a worse outcome. Some women fi ned Prostitutes Saint-Omer a short time in Sluis went on to work Prostitutes Saint-Omer prostitutes or brothel-keepers elsewhere. The chronology of fi nes makes it clear that this is mobility usually one-way, rarely back and forth between Sluis and Bruges.

Only one. More women probably went on to work as prostitutes Prostitutes Saint-Omer afi eld. This mobility can be interpreted as further evidence of a dynamic industry, in which change and adaptation to market conditions were always possible.

It can also be seen as a very tentative indication that prostitution must be seen in conjunction with mobility as a response to adversity.

By contrast, some brothel-keepers were continuously active in Sluis for a long period, suggesting that brothel-keeping could be treated, in some ways, like any other profession No brothel-keeper was active for longer than Bette Beelx, who was fi ned from to The next longest-serving brothel-keepers were Bette Dunst at least 18 Prostitutes Saint-Omer,Bette Penaerts at least 14 years, and Calle de Prostitutes Saint-Omer Vederiere at least eleven years,but all three women Prostitutes Saint-Omer have been active at a period for which records do not survive.

This Prostitutes Saint-Omer almost certainly the case with Calle de le Vederiere, who, in January and Maywas fi ned for keeping two different brothels simultaneously. On the basis of occupational and presumably economic stability, it is Prostitutes Saint-Omer cult to describe these women as marginals.

55–6, 62,–8, ; protection of, 32 prostitutes, prostitution, 89–92, abbot of St Omer, 46 Reims, Council of (), 87n; (), 23, 24, Shelley's early novels Zastrozzi () and St. Irvyne () are clearly In King was charged with assaulting two prostitutes, a case that rumbled.

As we have seen, there was Prostitutes Saint-Omer variety of longevity within the industry. It clearly was possible to move in and out of prostitution and there is no cause to claim internal coherence within the sex industry.

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No coherence was imposed from the Prostitutes Saint-Omer, either. There were, moreover, no expulsions of prostitutes, not even Prostitutes Saint-Omer half-hearted and ineffectual ceremonies performed in London in andwhen a small number of prostitutes were made to wear a striped hood, to carry a white rod and to process to a well-publicised location, Cock Lane, just outside the busiest city gate On occasion, quite the contrary happened: a prostitute.

The apparent absence of discriminating measures directed at Prostitutes Saint-Omer or brothel-keepers makes it impossible to argue that they were systematically excluded from urban society. Instead, the sex industry had, like all trades, its own internal dynamics and hierarchies.

This can be demonstrated by examining careers, that is to say progression from prostitute to brothel-keeper. There was thus a progression from dependent prostitute to independently running a business, albeit a somewhat short-lived one. Zoete fi lle Henri had a Prostitutes Saint-Omer career: inas a josne fi llette, she stole rabbit fur from the house where she worked en la maison ou elle servoit A year later, she was fi ned as brothel-keeper Her career Prostitutes Saint-Omer perhaps indicative of a common, but often hidden, feature: young, foreign girls in this case, from Zeeland who worked in lowly jobs as domestic servants and somehow drifted into prostitution, perhaps after sexual abuse, which was a relatively common Prostitutes Saint-Omer for young female dependents In such a situation, brothel-keeping was once more a response to prior marginalisation, not a cause of marginality.

Bette had been fi ned Prostitutes Saint-Omer a brothel-keeper earlier in and later in Two brief spells as brothel-keeper, interrupted by a period as dependent prostitute, suggest that she found economic independence within that industry unsustainable or impractical.

Were Medieval Prostitutes Marginals? Evidence from Sluis, - Persée

So little Prostitutes Saint-Omer known about the circumstances in which these incidents took place and about other activities or sources of income that it is impossible to say whether short-term activity as brothel-keeper was a mark of failure namely the inability to operate independently and the necessity Prostitutes Saint-Omer seek patronage in an established brothel or signalled success namely the end of a period of temporary hardship, or more attractive alternative employment, either in Sluis or elsewhere.

We thus have evidence of at least three clusters within the industry: dependent prostitutes, independent or self-employed prostitutes and heads of well-established brothels.

In spite of rapidly changing personnel, the sex. Such a hierarchy could be negotiated, and the main recorded means of doing so was petty violence.

Neither of her two victims, Phelippete la pettite Royne in and Aechte fi lle Jehan Hughezone inre-appeared after these incidents Likewise, Prostitutes Saint-Omer Bette Macbistiers and Christine Steils ran brothels in Inthey attacked each other in public 55whereupon Bette disappeared, while Christine kept a brothel until Some prostitutes and Prostitutes Saint-Omer thus occupied a more precarious and mutable i. Maie Demine and Linen van Prostitutes Saint-Omer Londe faced each other in a catfi ght in Maie beat Linen with her fi st, scratched her face and drew blood Both were described as working in major brothels, Maie for Calle de le Vederiere, a major brothel-keeper mentioned above, and Linen at Le Paon, the longest-established brothel in Sluis, to which we shall return below.

This incident is remarkable for two reasons: fi rst, it demonstrates the use Prostitutes Saint-Omer violence to negotiate relations between two dependent prostitutes.

Catfi ghts between prostitutes that took place in a suffi Prostitutes Saint-Omer public setting to come to the attention of authorities were not specifi c to Sluis Prostitutes Saint-Omer demonstrate that success, however Prostitutes Saint-Omer, was literally painful to obtain in a competitive industry, but they also indicate that there were widely accepted mechanisms by which positions and relationships within the sex industry were Prostitutes Saint-Omer and confi rmed.

Some conclusions can be drawn from this limited evidence. First, a hierarchy existed within prostitution, expressed from within by negotiating relationships using violence, and expressed from without by treating some prostitutes as mere dependents and by treating some brothel-keepers as heads of households.

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Second, some brothel-keepers remained in the business for a long time, Prostitutes Saint-Omer operating successfully. Third, some women moved between brothel-keeping and dependent prostitution. Fourth, some women moved between brothel-keeping and other work, perhaps unrelated to the sex industry.

These Prostitutes Saint-Omer conclusions support two ideas running. The place of prostitution in Sluis. The Sluis sex trade was in effect a licensed trade, not an illegal activity. Although the accounts use the word amende, fi nes for brothel-keeping constituted a licence fee. There are three Prostitutes Saint-Omer to believe this. First, fi nes were ineffectually low.

Such low fi Prostitutes Saint-Omer were collected elsewhere, too, for instance in Metz and Winchester The use of low fi nes as. In Sluis, there is not a single instance of payments being delayed or negotiated.

Second, the fi nes did not act as a deterrent. In fact, if that had been the intention, the system failed miserably.

The overwhelming majority of fi nes were for repeat offences — 1, out of 1, fi nes 73 per cent; cf. One brothel, Le Paon, was fi ned Prostitutes Saint-Omer times over half a century and was well known Prostitutes Saint-Omer the bailiff and his sergeants. Third, the fi nes were not even intended to act as deterrent. The bailiff stated as much in. The heading reads:. The higher-rate fi nes evidently had had a deterrent effect, allegedly causing Prostitutes Saint-Omer brothel-keepers to move elsewhere, although not to give up their Prostitutes Saint-Omer altogether.

The town council explicitly objected to this consequence of their fi ning practices. The lower fi ne seems to have been the result of effective lobbying Prostitutes Saint-Omer a small number of interested parties: it had no impact on the number of brothels in the higher fee band as two to three brothel-keepers paid the higher fi ne each time it was levied between January and May Archaeological evidence for Sluis is poor as the town suffered from largescale destruction in World War Two 66and in any case it would hardly be helpful in identifying brothels.

Instead, one must rely on documentary sources. This very phenomenon of market-driven development can Prostitutes Saint-Omer observed in Bruges, where brothels were concentrated along the main canal connecting the Zwin to the area around the market square. This distribution partly refl ects jurisdictional boundaries, as Prostitutes Saint-Omer were advantages to running brothels in the liberty of Saint Donatian, where fi nes were lower and less rigorously enforced.

It also mirrors the distribution of the main customers, alien sailors In Sluis, hostels and inns were dispersed across the towns. Even though sailors and merchants worked near the market squares and quays, their temporary residences were not clustered Prostitutes Saint-Omer a particular part of the town. Numerous arrests of aliens after dark, alone or in groups, further testify to movement across Sluis after Prostitutes Saint-Omer hours.

Prostitutes Saint-Omer is no reason, then, to expect to fi nd a single red-light district in Sluis.

The two-tier system of different fi nes depending on location confi rms this suspicion. Given that brothels within a radius of ten verges thirty metres around the cemeteries were charged a different rate, we can Prostitutes Saint-Omer that there were Prostitutes Saint-Omer least two clusters cemeteries being in the plural of, in total, seventeen brothels near cemeteries If true, this would make the cemeteries centres of the sex industry. It is further possible that prostitutes sought customers in or near the cemeteries before taking them to brothels more than thirty metres away.

This would not be surprising, considering the Prostitutes Saint-Omer evidence from elsewhere in contemporary Europe that illicit dealings took place in cemeteries Street name evidence strongly supports the idea that these were indeed Prostitutes Saint-Omer centres of prostitution.

The closest fortifi cation was the Toren van Verloren Cost, which may Prostitutes Saint-Omer linked to the brothel Costverloren We shall see later in the article that Bette Caens ran a major brothel, so describing these smaller houses in relation to their larger neighbour further indicates clustering.

The existence of two areas of concentration is thus well-established. Both were near major landmarks, the parish churches, which are known to have been important for alien communities, too.

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In London, for instance, the Southwark stews were on the banks of the Thames and could be reached by barges, while Cock Lane was near the river Fleet and local tanners. This feature Prostitutes Saint-Omer medieval red-light districts was probably due to lower rents in Prostitutes Saint-Omer of rivers and to improved access, either via the rivers or because the petty industry located there tended to attract regular traffi c fl ows during the day and tended to be rather more quiet at night The baths may Prostitutes Saint-Omer have required fresh-water supply and easy drainage Both centres of prostitution Prostitutes Saint-Omer Sluis Prostitutes Saint-Omer, then, in logical places at the heart of communal life.

Prostitutes Saint-Omer must assume that the vast majority of brothels, which cannot be mapped, were similarly accessible. Geographically, prostitution was not in the least marginal. Clients and Prostitutes Saint-Omer.

It is reasonable to assume that these aliens accounted for many or most of the customers of Sluis brothels, as Murray posited for Bruges They had enough time and varying degrees of disposable income; Prostitutes Saint-Omer met few women in their working lives and were not normally accompanied by their wives; and they had limited opportunities to socialise. Hanseatic merchants rarely began trading independently before the age of thirty 86and the same seems to have been true of Italian Prostitutes Saint-Omer and bankers.

Trainee merchants would thus have been in their twenties, usually unmarried or at least far away from their wives. Young men, relatively idle and with good prospects for future employment and status, formed an ideal customer base for brothels Indeed, Prostitutes Saint-Omerthe son of the captain of the Venetian galleys, an example of such young men, twice beat an unnamed girl so violently that she bled, which may indicate prior contact of a kind similar to prostitution Such fi nes for violence seem to indicate a preponderance of foreign sailors and merchants in that orderespecially of Germans, among customers.

Bette Colaerts, was twice recorded as the victim of foreign customers: she was assaulted by a German known only as Dancquaert on 12 August at a time of the year when there were many aliens in Sluis and by Pieter Oyssen, alias Boelchiere, of Sicily Secilgen in The preponderance of young men among aggressors refl ects the transient population of Sluis. However, neither were all men equally likely to be involved in acts of violence, nor were they equally liable to be challenged by the bailiff and his sergeants.

Importance, seniority and wealth all reduced visibility in judicial records. Burgundian offi cials were rarely mentioned, but one Frenchman, George Clencket, paid a composition for a suspected theft from another man inside a brothel. An educated French youth from a good family was almost certainly on Prostitutes Saint-Omer cial business in Sluis, which would be in keeping with the relatively new Franco-Burgundian alliance Prostitutes Saint-Omer late He was one of the wealthier customers one would expect to fi nd in Sluis brothels.

Tentative Prostitutes Saint-Omer indicates Prostitutes Saint-Omer the origin of prostitutes or, at any rate, brothel-keepers roughly matched the origin of their customers.

In this period, it is reasonable to use toponymic surnames as indicators of origin Prostitutes Saint-Omer of different persons, 69 had identifi able toponyms. Within this small group, fi fteen came from Flanders itself 22 per cent Fully one-third 23 persons came from elsewhere in the Low Countries. The largest Low Countries contingent eight came from Brabant 94with only three from nearby Zeeland 95probably an underestimation as Prostitutes Saint-Omer many Zeelanders.

Nineteen came from German or Hanseatic towns 28 per cent The remaining 17 per cent came from elsewhere: England 4 Prostitutes Saint-OmerSpain 3 99Scotland 2 and unspecifi ed French-speaking regions 3, indicated by the epithet Walsche. It is remarkable that four of the six Prostitutes Saint-Omer women had Flemish fi rst names, Bette and Calle We can safely surmise that none of the British girls had been called Bette or Calle there, but that their names constituted an adaptation to local customs.

In the periodhe found that There was some mobility away from Flanders, too: Flemish prostitutes dominated the sex industries of Southwark and Florence and were prominent elsewhere in Europeperhaps helped by the Prostitutes Saint-Omer that several towns had general policies Prostitutes Saint-Omer favouring foreign prostitutes The patterns of this mobility are still unclear.

Rossiaud found descriptions of river merchants and sailors hiring prostitutes to accompany them on their journeys However, I know of no evidence to suggest that young girls who Prostitutes Saint-Omer not previously been prostitutes were traffi cked across Europe and forced into prostitution. Irrespective of Prostitutes Saint-Omer these girls came to be where they Prostitutes Saint-Omer, whether they travelled across the sea as prostitutes, were destined to become prostitutes upon their arrival, or travelled with other intentions and entered.

Prostitution, then, was closely tied to its key customer base, and it was indissociable from locally relevant patterns of commerce. Although many brothel-keepers were aliens, it does not follow that they were marginal as Prostitutes Saint-Omer result of this: on the basis of places of origin, they were among those aliens most likely to fi nd existing Prostitutes Saint-Omer of compatriots in Sluis and they were likely to have arrived in Sluis by partaking in European trade systems.

Prostitution was also fi rmly embedded in landscapes of leisure activities. Even if many alien sailors were based in Sluis, the Zwin towns nevertheless functioned as a metropolitan unit.

It was easy to travel the ten kilometres from Sluis to Damme and the fi ve kilometres from Damme to Bruges.

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Two brief spells as brothel-keeper, interrupted by a period as dependent prostitute, suggest that she found economic independence within that industry unsustainable or impractical. It seems improbable that so many persons ran a sizeable brothel for only a few months.

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